100,000 views later….
2 weeks ago
by admin
Legionoftherearguard.com started at the end of November 2010, when some Fianna Fáil members decided that a new independent grassroots voice was needed to communicate the views of the Fianna Fáil rank and file. Since then this website has allowed invidividual expression for many on the future of Fianna Fáil, Republicanism, and Ireland in general. Remember, this site is not a site merely guided by a few, it is guided by the many bloggers and article writers that have submitted material to this site, and the owners of this site have always striven to allow free, open and frank debate on the future direction of Fianna Fáil on this site. All the bloggers on legionoftherearguard.com would like to thank you for reading this site, and indeed continue to keep reading from across the globe into the future.
If our Government won’t protect our children’s future, who will?
3 weeks ago
by James McCann
James McCann
The 2011 Census was published recently in February of this year. I always like looking over census facts from religious to population data looking to gauge what exactly is or previously was the make up of our Island.
The census tells a few million stories in itself really. Although all those included are anonymous, you know for example that the Taoiseach of the day filled in a form telling of his circumstances, famous writers or poets disclosed theirs, your own great grandparents too all those years ago. The census has changed over the years getting more and more detailed as those designing it want an even clearer picture of what Ireland is or becoming. Now for example we get to know how much people earn, the size of their family, married/divorced, medical histories even how they get to work. The big idea being if you know what is happening you can better plan for some of the issues that are occurring or likely to occur in the future.
The 2011 census discovered a few interesting facts of note for concerned citizens. It found that the population increased between 2006-2011 to 4.59 million, for example. 11% more people now reside in urban areas, the average age of people in Ireland is now 36, unless you live in Fingal where it is only 32. Divorce rates are flying up but there are more people getting married…and remarried. Single people are on the decline but more are living on their own or with a cohabitant.
Ireland is certainly changing, we’re living longer, there are more of us, we’re more likely to be living in urban areas, more of us are getting married/divorced and single people are more likely than ever to have their own pad. What about changes to the family, the traditional Irish institution? How is that changing?
Well, there are now 1.179 million families in Ireland, 12% up on 2006. 834,266 are families with children under 19. 558,682 (67%) of those are husband and wife with children, 60,269 (7.2) are cohabiting couples with children, the remaining 215,215 (25.8%) are lone mothers or fathers with children.
The traditional family unit is seen as arguably the most important element within our society and appears to be holding steady with only a marginal decrease of 2.2% in two parent family units although that figure hides a more stark reality. With the increase in families recorded in the census rising from 1.037m to 1.179m the amount of single parents now stands at 215,215 up from 169,780 or 21.2% since 2006. This means that 25.8% of parents in Ireland today are raising children on their own. In total they are raising 351,996 children or some 21.6% of all children in Ireland which at present stands at 1,625,975.
Unfortunately, single parent families are one of the most at risk groups of experiencing poverty and the fact that single parents are raising over one fifth of all children in the state and make up 1 out of every 4 family units highlights the need to support them. In 2010 the Central Statistics Office (CSO) in their annual Survey on Income and Living Conditions (SILC) found that the mean equivalised disposable income for an adult with children was €15,567 which had thankfully increased since 2009 up from €15,162. That said, the at risk of poverty threshold currently stands at €10,831 which leaves the average single parent family only €4,331 from deprivation.
At present in Ireland the at risk of poverty rate currently stands at 15.8% or roughly 700,000 people some 137,000 of which are children between the ages of 0-17. When broken down by family type it is clear that single parents and the elderly are most affected with single parents accounting for 20.5% in 2010 of the at risk of poverty rate down it must be said by some 15% from the year previous. This was due according to the CSO ‘as the equivalised income of this group tends to fluctuate around the at risk of poverty threshold from year to year, changes in the threshold can have a disproportionate impact on the at risk of poverty rate of this group.’ In other words there are so many single parents and by extension their children tethering on the risk of poverty that any minor changes can have a big impact.
The at risk of poverty rates are one indicator of poverty but the real impact of poverty can be seen in the deprivation levels experienced by single parents and their children. Indicators such as the inability to afford new clothes, heating, adequate dinners, replace worn out furniture even the in ability to buy presents for a loved one at least once a year are measured by the CSO to measure deprivation rates. In 2010 deprivation rates stood at 30.2% for children up from 23.5% in 2009, some 49.8% of all lone parents experienced deprivation with 2 or more deprivation factors.
The Social Welfare and Pensions Bill 2012 recently published by Minister for Social Protection Joan Burton is likely to add further pressure on single parents if not break many of their backs. The changes in the bill hit single parents with changes to the One-Parent Family Payment (OFP) which will see the maximum qualifying age limit for a parent’s youngest child reduced to 7 from 18 or 22 if the child proceeded to college.
With respect to the changes in the One-Parent Family Payment the reduction of the age limit to 7 for the youngest child will pose a significant challenge to many single parents already struggling to keep out of poverty but for those already at risk these measures could push them under altogether. At €188 a week or €9,776 per annum it will cripple many single parents pushing both themselves but most importantly their children into deep poverty. The objective of the changes according to Minister Burton is to get more single parents back to work as
“long-term welfare dependency and passive income support to people of working age are not in the best interests of the person, of their children or of society.” “The best route out of poverty and social exclusion is through paid employment” she added.
Fair enough you might say but this approach does not take into account the reality many single parents face in raising children.
The first challenge and priority for any single parent is providing for their child or children. At present much of the criticism and harsh commentary would suppose that none of the 215,215 single parents in the state do anything to financially support their children. That is untrue, just under 50% of all lone parents work. Close to 10% are unemployed while the remainder are out of the labour force either as full time parents or as full time carers. The reality for single parents seeking employment is the same as everyone else, couples for example, both married and cohabiting with children, with one working partner are coming under increased financial pressure leading to an increase in 2 income family units.
That said the amount of single parents in employment has steadily increased over the last 4 years along with a rise in the number unemployed showing growth in the number of single parents already returning to the labour force (see CSO) as the recession has taken hold. But the reality remains that there are simply not enough jobs to go around a fact Minister Joan Burton has clearly forgot to take into account. Challenges that single parents must overcome in the search for employment is that of childcare and its affordability not to mention the required job flexibility to match school and the childcare arrangements for children age 4 and up if needed. Add to that the difficulty in acquiring a well paid job that fills the income gap now left by Minister Burton’s proposals and the need to up-skill to acquire that decent wage while still trying to raise a child on your own and clearly it is apparent that Minister Burtons proposals are easier said than done.
As I said before the Census tells a few million different stories from people of every walk of life. We can’t pick out one or ten or a thousand cases and look at the individuals who are living the lives we see in the figures to get a feel for some of the challenges they face. But what is clear is that without the support of the OFP many single parents, if not the majority simply won’t be able to cope. It’s not to say that changes cannot be made, of course they can, but 7 is surely too young? Let’s assume what is likely to be a near best case scenario for a low skilled (which is still another reality) single parent who manages to find work around school times for their child or children between the ages of 8-12.
A child is in school from 9.00am and finishes at 2.30pm until the age of 12 as we all know. For those single parents working minimum wage jobs @8.65 per hour doing a 5 hour shift starting work at 9am in order to drop off the kids and be back by 2.30pm to collect them assuming they work the same shift every week 52 weeks a year they will make €11,245 per annum. Roughly about €1500 above the amount they would be cut which would be a good and i’m sure welcome outcome but again the realities are different. Firstly there is still a steady decline in the number of low skilled workers in employment due to the continued slide in domestic demand so competition is high in low skilled sectors of employment so naturally not all those single parents looking for work will get it. The possibility of single parents getting the required hours to drop off and collect their children without the need or additional cost for childcare is highly unlikely. Where childcare is required for a scenario where the parent is working a minimum wage job the costs (€1k per month is some cases) would out do the benefit especially if the hours of work are outside school hours edging them closer to poverty.
The truth is that Minister Burton’s proposals are not workable and instead of removing ‘welfare dependency’ in the interest of society and the child she will instead impose poverty for the sake of savings which is in neither interest. At 12, children finish school at 4:30pm out of secondary school, they are better able to take care of themselves, get from A to B, make dinner if they have too and its more workable for the parent who can work longer and reduce childcare costs if needed. It’s a more reasonable age, why then 7?
Because it saves more money!
We have 351,996 children being raised by 215,215 single parents in Ireland today. It doesn’t matter how they got there or what age they had their child, they are parents all to one fifth of Ireland’s children at present. They are most at risk of poverty and deprivation, likely low skilled and under paid, some may have support others not. The current Labour Minister for Social Protection is removing nearly €10k per annum from them which they need to support their children from aged 8 upwards in the middle of the biggest economic crisis Ireland has ever had. They struggle to find employment as is, they need to care for their children, her proposals will see the at risk of poverty and consistent poverty rates for children skyrocket.
Are we ok with that?
Lets pay attention to what the figures tell us and do our best to see Minister Burton’s Social Welfare Bill changed to ensure a better outcome for children.
Identity Problems?
1 month ago
by popebenny16
Where are Fianna Fáil on the Political Compass? From: PoliticalCompass.org
(Note: This blog was written a week before the findings of the Mahon Tribunal, but it is still relevant, if not as newsworthy)
So there I found myself at the Ard Fheis, and I decided to do a bit of a ‘John Bowman’ and interview as many (mostly younger) members as I could. Since I was really only there to observe and vote at the closed session on OMOV, the matter that I wanted to investigate while I was there is if renewal was just a ‘buzz word’ or was it a real state of mind amongst the membership and indeed the party in general.
Those who witnessed the passionate speeches together with the applause and raucous support which the supporters of the OMOV (one member one vote) proposals got would have been left in no doubt that this was the session which meant the most to those present. The sheer numbers crowded into room 4 alone was a taste of what was to come. The fact that OMOV was so passionately endorsed time after time by various speakers, that the constant theme from the contributors was one of being fed up at being used, ignored, and sidelined in their cumann, as well as the issue of paper cumann, said a great many things about the state that Fianna Fáil had gotten into.
It was, as I tweeted at the time, like a therapy session. Many people, and not all of them young members by any stretch of the imagination, vented long held and long suppressed views. Again and again it was the same tale which could come from any county – a local long term TD with his/her mates around them ruling the cummans with their family and friends, only giving delegate passes to those they favoured for CC and CDC meetings, not holding meetings at all, and if holding them then not sending out letters, and many other such like tales. That it was so widespread and uniform tells a tale of its own. No matter what Micheál Martin and Gerard Collins may have expressed in the hall, this could not have come as any great surprise to them, it must have been known at top level before the hustings for the leadership back in 2011. It was at that time that Éamon Ó Cuív first started making pronouncements through the national media about the great disquiet at local and grassroots levels, it was also a theme that Micheal Martin took up, and it was the theme which he referred to in this victory speech. Could it actually of been possible that members of the cabinet at the time could of seriously not known about this issue before 2011? Or were they not willing to mention the issue because Bertie and Brian at the top of the tree, while perhaps not endorsing that situation, obviously had no reason to change it?
So the rank and file of the membership now have an input into candidate elections, to the Ard Fheis, to the new policy formulation forum every year, and we have to turn up twice a year to meetings – putting the onus on cumann secretaries now to actually call meetings (which will be fun). Expect to see a lot of cumainn amalgamating, as the ghost cumainn disappear and their members (all of whom are the problem of course) get subsumed into the local real cumann and skew the numbers there in favour of the local big lad. Anyway that’s all great and we all felt great afterwards. The real fun will be at those yearly policy meetings separate from the Ard Fheis. I wonder how that will work, and in that frame of mind I went asking around the old Jurys hotel and sought out young members to see what they wanted.
Mahon: The fate of the Gombeen Man
1 month ago
by admin
"The Gombeen Man" from the print collection of Maggie Land Blanck
The following was submitted to this site by a lifelong member of Fianna Fáil
As we all sat down to watch our leader Micheál Martin, a man of integrity and honesty, speak about the Mahon report on the RTÉ Six One news this evening, there seems to be a mixture of emotions amongst Fianna Fáil members – some have feelings of anger, some of sadness, some of confusion and almost disbelief, but these emotions can be summarized into one single feeling this evening, and that is betrayal. Micheál Martin stated this in no uncertain terms on Six One this evening:
“These people….betrayed the trust that the Irish people put in them, and betrayed the trust that the members of the Fianna Fáil party put in them as well”
and
“There were people in the party that abused their positions”
Our leader is right to use this strong language and defend the integrity of the Fianna Fáil grassroots, especially at a time when Fianna Fáil is now returning to its principles and beliefs and embarking on a new highly democratic One Member One Vote system. The individuals referred to in the Mahon report as having abused their office for monetary gain have not only betrayed those of us that watched the news this evening or that attended the Ard Fheis, but indeed the extended Fianna Fáil clan, especially those long time activists that have passed away before this momentous day of truth. Many of us originally joined Fianna Fáil due to family ties and were born into a grassroots tradition that encouraged acting for the greater common good and society, that was proud of those that had gone before us to build a great Republican Party, and a deep belief in social justice and public service up to the point of self sacrifice. In many cases it is our grandfathers, grandmothers, and great grandparents that they have betrayed, and I for one know that had some of my relatives that have passed away had seen this day they would feel like they have been used.
The grassroots of Fianna Fáil, acting selflessly as they knocked on doors up and down the Republic sought to spread that message, and elect public representatives that they believed held the same values as them. It is clear tonight that some of those elected under the Fianna Fáil banner did not deserve to run as Fianna Fáil candidates. They didn’t deserve the selfless hard work and dedication of real grassroot Fianna Fáil members across the island to put them into public office. And they sure as hell cannot be allowed to call themselves Republicans. No matter what family lineage or indeed contributions they have made to Republicanism in the past, their selfishness and greed has totally undone any good work they may have done in the past.
There is infact, a new phrase that these people can call themselves, and that is a Gombeen. One may consider this a harsh term to refer to these individuals as this has been used as an derogatorily term towards a public representative in the Irish political arena, but let us examine its meaning. The term originally comes form the Irish word for monetary interest “gaimbín” (from Famine era money lenders) and came to refer to a small-time but shady business individual known to not act by the letter of the law in their personal and business dealings, and often profitting often at someone else’s expense or through the acceptance of bribes. Actions of those that have taken money for their own personal gain would constitute as indeed shady and untrustworthy, they built their personal success off the hard work and sweat of others often at the personal expense of those dedicated activists, and it is now known that some of them accepted bribes. Is it such a harsh term after all?
Irish people are known for their forgiveness, for their ability to see the good things that people have done in the past and excusing their faults. However, the actions of the few have seriously damaged the image of Fianna Fáil and indeed its members, and for that their actions cannot be redeemed by past good works. The time for forgiveness is over, but once the dust settles it is also a time for anger to be over, and Fianna Fáil must channel the emotions evoked by today’s relevations into the strength to ensure that the Fianna Fáil of the future will be the single most transparent, open and indeed dynamic political force in Ireland. We will never be betrayed again. Ar aghaidh le Fianna Fáil.
Fianna Fáil – Ireland’s ‘Labor Right’?
2 months ago
by dee444
In a recent article in the Irish Time, former FF minister Pat Carey stated that Fianna Fáil’s best chance of survival is to settle down in the centre-left space of the political spectrum
The process of Fianna Fáil’s internal reform has well and truly begun. This has resulted in many soul searching questions with regard to the nature of the core principles of the party, and how these have indeed changed over the decades. One thing is for certain, if Fianna Fáil is to survive (and indeed recover) it will have to use modern language to re-articulate the economic and social philosophy of the party. However, it is clear that the result of this process will not be to the pleasure of everyone in the party.
Any party that has evolved from an independence movement is bound to retain the elements of a ‘broad church’, as was discussed in the previous Legionoftherearguard.com article on the Scottish National Party. In modern political terms, this comes with a risk of following the same fate as other catch-all political movements in Europe. In a recent interview in the Irish Times, former minister Pat Carey elaborated on this risk;
“I think that in the next 15 years or so, there will be a splintering of the old-style parties and the emergence of more parties in the social and Christian democrat mould as in the rest of Europe.’’
He also states that Fine Gael will face the same questions that Fianna Fáil now faces;
“We are both catch-all parties with no difference in policy. Enda Kenny is charismatic and a good organiser but the party’s current strength will not last.’’
So, where to for Fianna Fáil now? Carey’s answer to that is for Fianna Fáil to move into a centre-left space, as he feels Irish Labour have abandoned that space in Irish politics. This will not sit well with conservative right wing elements within Fianna Fáil, but Carey has been the first former Fianna Fáil TD to firmly weigh in on the internal debate going on within the party as to the nature of a “Fianna Fáil nua”. Those on the economic right within Fianna Fáil will naturally point to the fact that due to the demise of the Progressive Democrats, there is infact a space on the centre-right of the Irish political spectrum now. The problem with this argument is that Fine Gael have since moved into that position in Irish politics, and their European party affiliation with the EPP has cemented that. Also, the Progressive Democracts are a now defunct entity, and many of their economic policies and political culture of laisse-faire regulation have been blamed widely for the ultimate demise of the Irish economy. While Carey may point out that historically Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael may be catch-all parties with little difference in policy, they have always both worked from a slightly left of centre or right of centre base. For example, Seán Lemass famously explained that the reason why the Irish Labour Party was comparably weak in the Irish party system “because Fianna Fáil is the labour party”. The main attribute of Fianna Fáil’s traditional political positions that best back up Lemass’ assertion is it’s tradition of supporting social justice. The following quote from Dr Hillery best encapsulates this tradition:
“Every child of sufficient talent, be they poor or rich, in any type of school should have the opportunity of climbing right to the top of the educational ladder. The nation needs the services of all the talent it can find.”
- Dr Patrick Hillery TD, Minister for Education, Dáil Éireann, March 1960
However, in respects Fianna Fáil does not necessarily fit in with the European labour movement model. Fianna Fáil’s pragmatism, rejection of post-nationalism, social conservatism, and embrace of the market economy are not typical of other labour movements in Europe (with the except of Britain’s New Labour). Well, where indeed can Fianna Fáil point to in respect to ideological fellow travellers? Look no further to an Australian of Irish descent, Paul Keating.
Keating’s party, the Australian Labor Party, in a way is a microcosm of the relationship between Fianna Fáil and the Irish Labour Party. Various ideological stances were factionalised with the Labor Party from the 1960′s resulting in what is now known as the Socialist Left (similar to the Irish Labour Party as they are more socially liberal and favour a more interventionist socialist economic policy,) and Labor Right (more economically liberal and centrist).
Paul Keating was the leader of the New South Wales Labor Right Faction. From a working class Sydney suburb and of an Irish Catholic ancestry, Keating held very similar values to that of traditional Fianna Fáil, namely a belief in practical politics, and saw the creation of employment opportunities as a means of empowerment and social inclusion. Keating was also a believer in Lemass’ phrase that “a rising tide lifts all boats”. Becoming Finance Minister, under Bob Hawke, he brought down tariffs, taxes and floated the Australian Dollar. When you hear about Australia’s economic success today; its strengths lie in these critical reforms carried out by Keating during the 1980′s. Keating was never afraid to challenge his party or his country from calling the country a ‘banana republic’ to announcing ’the recession that we had to have’. It is this sense of strong purpose mixed in with straight talking that Fianna Fail needs today.
These centre-right economic reforms (economic rationalism) implemented by a Labor government might seem odd to a humble observer of politics. However, Keating, fed up with the tired battles of business vs unions and public vs private, sought to create the economic conditions where business could thrive and create wealth where also the proceeds of that wealth could go to improving pensions, introducing medicare and protecting the environment. Keating’s belief in strong government services, financed through sound revenues are widely credited as being central to Australia’s economic success.
Indeed, Keating is seen by many as a central figure in the modern day ‘Third Way‘ school of politics (which also includes figures such as Gerhard Schröder, Bill Clinton and Tony Blair), the name given to Centrism. The ‘Third Way’ aims to harmonise the politics of the centre left and centre right in an attempt to achieve the social aims of progressive centre-left movements by utilising normally right-wing economic policies. In this respect, Fianna Fáil can certainly be regarded to be a party of the ‘Third Way’, and can look to Keating as a way to define itself moving forward as a party of the ‘progressive centre-left’.
However, Fianna Fail cannot just learn economic lessons from Keating and the ALP, it can also learn social lessons too. When Keating became Prime Minister in 1991, he set out to bring reconciliation with Aboriginal Australians recognising injustices committed by previous governments during the 1992 red fern speech and supporting a constitutional amendment recognising Aboriginal Australians as the first Australians have been acknowledged as important moments in healing the wounds of division. In Fianna Fail, we have through Albert Reynolds and Bertie Ahern done some of that already, however what Keating shows us here is that we should never shy away from seeking fresh insights and new horizons for our beliefs.
In his victory speech in 1993, Keating talked about the ‘true-believers,’ the people who in tough times keep the faith with you. Well today Fianna Fail needs all the true believers it can get. What this article has attempted to illustrate is that like the ALP, Fianna Fail can be the party of business and social inclusion, the party of growth and of aspiration. The party that uses its past achievements and mistakes to build a better road for the future. Like Keating, we should always be in one business and one business only, and that is the ‘future’ business.
“The Fianna Fáil That We Would Have”
2 months ago
by admin
Malachaí Duddy, Chumann FF Seán Lemass
The following article was written by Malachaí Duddy, Chumann FF Seán Lemass, Brí Chualann, Co. Chill Mhantáin
The People have judged Fianna Fáil in the recent general election: having found our policies wanting, they have acted accordingly. The extreme economic difficulties that Ireland has suffered over the last four years have their origin during the 14 years of uninterrupted Fianna Fáil lead government and just as the organisation rightly took credit for the Peace Process and Ireland’s unprecedented prosperity which has kept 1.85 million people at work even during recession: Fianna Fáil has taken responsibility for its part in the present crises, has apologised for these failings, and has been doled its electoral punishment.
Fianna Fáil The Republican Party has traditionally been a broad based national movement holding the support of nearly half the Irish people; embodying the popular mainstream of the Irish political tradition which goes back through the united republican movement of 1917-1921; Pádraig Pearse, James Connolly and the other leaders of 1916; the disciplined Nationalist party and Land League under Charles Stuart Parnell who united, under his leadership with Michael Davitt, the New Departure that revolutionary tradition of the Fenians; the Young Irelanders; and the United Irishmen of 1798 and 1803; and together with the constitutional mass agitation of The Liberator Daniel O’Connell. That mass constitutional agitation inaugurated the development of the broad national movement which is represented today by Fianna Fáil The Republican Party. Under the presidency of Éamon de Valera, the founder of Fianna Fáil, Ireland democratically confirmed our national independence, and defended our right to freedom through force of arms. More than any other political force, Fianna Fáil has shaped this state and nation. Fianna Fáil is a practical republican organisation permeated with the 1916 ideals, committed to national advancement based on democratic means.
The significance of our inimical resistance is that through the unremitting national struggle, it bound within the nation a movement that embraces geographical, social, and religious diversity to embody the popular mainstream. The national question has always been a passionate concern for Fianna Fáil which together with the welfare of the people is above all else fundamental to our organisation. Fianna Fáil is the Republican Party, the political organisation which, acting in the interests of the people, peacefully dismantled the Treaty settlement and restored the Republic; severing, one by one the bonds that tied this state to the British empire, ensuring that the Irish people, in the greater part of our country, exercised the right of self determination appropriate to a free people, ever mindful that our nation remains divided.
Detractors of Fianna Fáil rhetorically ask what differentiates us from Fine Gael –in an attempt to distance Fianna Fáil from the working population, ignoring all Fianna Fáil accomplishments and at once conflating the two Civil War sides: as the Labour Party compromise socialist class interests, its leader having jettisoned his Marxist-Stalinist heritage, to enter government with Fine Gael, a right wing party with fascist antecedence. The Fianna Fáil membership has been the subject of a tirade of hostile odium and bias. We have been vilified and treated with malice mostly through hypocritical prejudice where any Fianna Fáil achievement is treated with loathing or dishonesty to the extent that the public mind has been polluted by malevolence. In the words of the song Deep In The Canadian Woods by T.D. Sullivan:
“We’ve heard her faults a hundred times, The new ones and the old, In songs and sermons, rants and rhymes, Enlarged some fifty-fold”:
As members and supporters of Fianna Fáil, we know in our hearts what Fianna Fáil is, where it came from; we remember the cost volunteered, the great sacrifices made, for what we stand; be it during the War of Independence, the Civil War, discrimination suffered during the 1920s or in recent times the supreme bearing exhibited by the late Brian Lenihan. It has been said of our political philosophy that ‘those that know, don’t need to ask; and those that don’t know: don’t need to know’, yet in the present hostile environment it is appropriate to articulate the general objects and principals which, together with our aims, informs Fianna Fáil. I proffer the following vision:
FF the All Ireland Republican Party Meeting: 10th February
2 months ago
by seanan
Cllr Eamon Walsh (left) and Senator Mark Daly (right) speaking at the meeting
Tháinig comhaltaí díograiseacha de Fhianna Fáil le chéile le déanaí chun na bearta atá de dhíth go n-eagrófar Fianna Fáil ar fad na hÉireann ina hiomlán a phlé. Thaisteal daoine ó gach cearn chun a bheith i láthair ag an gcruinniú. Bhí daoine ó gach cúige i láthair. Ba as Aontroim, Áth Cliath, Ciarraí, Cill Dara, Doire, An Lú agus Sligeach na daoine a bhí a d’fhreastail ar an gcruinniú. Bhí idir fir agus mná agus óg agus aosta sa slua.
Chuir an comhairleoir Éamonn Walsh tús leis an gcruinniú beagáinín tar éis a hocht a’ chlog. Thug sé caint uaidh a thosaigh i nGaeilge ag míniú an treo ina bhfuil Éire agus Fianna Fáil faoi láthair agus an dualgas atá ar Fhianna Fáil a bheith ar thús cadhnaíochta sa ghluaiseacht chun an tír a athaontú. Labhair sé faoi an comóradh mór a dhéanfar ar eachtraí a tharla céad bliain ó shin agus an dóigh a d’fhéadfadh an comóradh seo daoine a spreagadh chun machnamh agus gníomh. Mhol sé go rithfear rún ag an Ard-fheis atá ag teannadh orainn agus ina dhiaidh sin go gcuirfear bearta i gcrích le go n-eagrófar sna sé chontae.
Tar éis don Uasal Walsh labhairt, tugadh cead do na daoine sa slua a dtuairimí a nochtadh. Labhair an Seanadóir Mark Daly ar dtús. Dúirt sé go raibh sé sásta go raibh daoine i bhFianna Fáil ag tabhairt faoi seo agus go dtacóidh sé leis. Labhair daoine eile faoi na rudaí ar mhaith leo go ndéanfar. Bhí deis chun cainte ag cách. Bheartaigh na daoine i láthair chun tacú leis an rún ag an Ard-fheis agus an scéal a scaipeadh i measc comhaltaí eile de Fhianna Fáil. Bhí gach duine den tuairim go n-éireoidh leis an rún ag an Ard-fheis ach bhí amhras nó buaireamh ann cad a tharlóidh tar éis na hArd-fheise.
Chríochnaigh an cruinniú thart ar a deich a chlog.
‘Fianna Fáil 2021: Where will the Cadets of Destiny bring the Party?’
3 months ago
Since General Election 2011, Fianna Fáil has rightly being going through a period of reflecting and renewal and will culminate with the first Ard Fheis since before the Local and European Elections 2009.
As part of my MA in Public Affairs and Political Communications, I wrote a dissertation entitled ‘Fianna Fáil 2021: Where will the Cadets of Destiny bring the Party?’ (click to read). As part of it, I undertook a number of interviews with Fianna Fáil Oireachtas members, political commentators and activists as well as analysing the results of a survey of young Fianna Fáil members under the age of 40 about their views on various social, economic and organisational issues.
The results lead me to believe that there is a significant distance between the views of the Parliamentary Party and those party members under the age of 40 regarding the positioning of the party especially with respect to social issues. For example, the vast majority of young members are in favour of civil marriage equality for gay men and women which do not seem to be replicated within the ranks of the Parliamentary Party. However, with regard to economic policy, there is more commonality with most young members favouring a centrist position which is in line with the views of the leadership and in particular of Party Leader, Micheál Martin.
If I was to predict where Fianna Fáil will ultimately end up on a political spectrum, I would say that it will end up being a moderately libertarian party with a pro business outlook while being a defender of civil liberties. However, only time will tell.
Fianna Fáil was founded by men and women in their 20’s and 30’s with a vision and a passion for Ireland. It will be a new generation of Fianna Fail men and women who will lead Fianna Fáil into the future. What they believe in will not only shape the party but also the Irish nation.
Thanks to everyone who took part in my research. I appreciate all your help. Hopefully it will be of some use to the party into the future.
James Lawless’s Committee of 20 Message to Cobh Cumann
3 months ago
James Lawless' message to Cobh Cumann
Cobh members and delegates.
When you hear this only three of you will have a vote. I hope next time you will all have a vote.
We need to bring our party up to date with modern times. At the same time we need to reawaken a spirit that goes back to ancient times. There is a story sometimes told about two men on a bog in Connemara asking each other how long they were Fianna Fáil. “Oh I’ve always been Fianna Fáil” says one. “Since the start”. “How long is that” says the other fella. “Since 1798 of course” comes the reply.
We are the natural descendents of the Fenian and nationalist tradition. From Wolfe Tone to Robert Emmett to the GPO. We are the party that stood for those that no one else would stand for. We believe in giving people opportunity in life.
I am asking the opportunity to work for you on the national executive. I ask you for your vote for the Committee of 20 to allow me to do that.
I have been involved in the party at many levels from cumann to CC to national youth committee. I am currently chair of my home cumann (Sallins) and Secretary of my Comhairle Ceantair (Naas).
My most recent project was the Cuisle magazine which I am a founder and joint editor of.
My priorities if elected would be as follows:
- Get ready for 2014. We need to concentrate on the local elections and get good candidates into position in enough time to mount a competitive campaign. The candidates must be selected by the local membership.
- Organisational Reform. I fully support OMOV, One Member One Vote as I believe new members should be given an incentive and also many long standing members have never held delegate rights. This will help with recruitment and bring true Republican values of equality to the party.
- Core Values. I believe Fianna Fáil must rediscover our traditional values and if we do a large tract of the electorate can be won back to our flag again as many Irish people share them. For me that means Republicanism, ensuring nobody in business is held back from succeeding and ensuring nobody in poverty has to struggle alone.
- Northern Ireland. I want to see Fianna Fáil organised on a 32 county basis. I understand resources are scarce at the moment but I want to see our Northern members given the same opportunity as the rest of us have now to organise and rebuild. I want to see Fianna Fáil contesting elections as an All Ireland party by 2016.
I attach a flyer with more information about myself. I would be very grateful for your Number 1 votes or highest possible preference.
Is mise le meas agus go raibh maith agat,
James Lawless
Rebuilding; The Case of the Canadian Conservatives
3 months ago
by dee444
Progressive Conservative Party of Canada, Dissolved December 7, 2003; a fate Fianna Fáil wants to avoid at all costs
1993 Canadian General Election the Progressive Conservative Party go from 43% to 16% of the vote after a bad recession and tough reform erode their support to other political parties. Sounds familiar doesn’t it?
Now im not arguing the same reasons for the demise of the PC party in 1993 are exactly the same as our situation today but I am not interested in the defeat so much as how we rebuild the party in doing this the Canadian Conservatives provide us with a interesting case in point.
The party embraced rather than abandoned some of their unpopular policies. For any political party to succeed it needs a core base of support and we don’t want FF running in so many different policy directions that the average voter is left thinking our TDs are auditioning for a spot on Strictly Come Dancing with all that footwork. I know in the last government we made some bad decisions but we also made some good decisions, I know it may not be popular to say sorry we cannot build that school or sorry we cant build that road but voters appreciate realism and governments succeed or fail by the expectations they create. We need to accept policies that will make sure we keep those 300,000 plus voters that supported us in 2011 onside.
This also leads to another important point about organisation; a striking things about the Conservatives is the dedication and organisation of their membership. That party has a membership base that constantly goes out knocks on doors, pounds lawn signs and donates money to that party which is pretty unique among political parties around the world. Why do they do it? Because they have something to fight for, they believe in their party’s cause and ultimately the party gives them a free vote on who to select as their local candidate.
Another important aspect of their success is their embrace of old foes. The Conservative party is a combination of old rival parties who spent 15 years fighting each other. We need to adopt a similar approach; we should not set out faces against working with old rival parties just for the sake of old rivalries. If we are to form a governing coalition we will need to get off of grand visions and address some real concerns.
If we want to govern again, the choice really is with us. We can decide to learn from other parties and work towards the day when we achieve a national governing coalition. Or we can sit on the opposition benches licking our wounds, voting down everything but not really knowing why we are doing it. The one question that should be put up in FF HQ and the FF parliamentary party room is ‘what is the point of you?’ and we better answer that question before the general public do it for us.
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